GULABDASIAS

PUNJABI is the language of the Punjab. Spoken slightly differently in two parts of the Punjab after the State was politically split into two, East Punjab and West Punjab (or Pakistan Punjab), on 15 August 1947. But the Punjabispeaking population is not confined to the political boundaries of the two Punjabs. In India Punjabi is also spoken in vast areas of Haryana, Himachal Pradesh, Jammu and Kashmir and the Ganganagar district of Rajasthan. In Pakistan too there are Punjabispeaking areas beyond the West ern Punjab; they are in North Western Frontier Province, Sindh and some territories of Jammu and Poonch under Pakistan`s occupation at present. Dr George A. Grierson, author of the monumental. Linguistic Survey of India, accepts Western Punjabi the language of Western Punjab as an independent language; but all speakers of Eastern and Western Punjabi have always treated Western Punjabi as a dialect of Punjabi. Even on the basis of linguistic analysis it cannot be established that it is a language different from Punjabi. The label Lahnda, given it by Grierson, is also incorrect; it is Lahndi, or more properly, Laihndi. Punjabi has three dialects with a number of subdialects in each of these. Eastern Punjabi, the language of Indian Punjab, has four subdialects, viz. Majhi, Malvai, Doabi and Puadhi. Western Punjabi or Lahndi contains Multani, ShahpuriJhangi, Pothohari and Hindko as subdialects. The third dialect, Pahari or Dogri, also has four subdialects Kangri, Bhattiali, Jammuali (the language of Jammu region) an Poonchi. The Dogrispeaking people are striving to get government recognition claiming that their language is different from Punjabi. But each region is claiming a separate entity of its own language: language of Jammu with the label Dogri, and that of Himachal Pradesh, naming it Himachali, PahariMajhi. The language ofMajha region, consisting ofAmritsar and Gurdaspur districts of the Indian Punjab, and the Lahore district of the Pakistani Punjab, is accepted to be the standard form of Punjabi both in India and Pakistan. Punjabi is one of the New IndoAryan languages. IndoAryan is a branch of IndoEuropean family. It has passed through several phases of development, which, for the sake of convenience, are divided into three main stages: old IndoAryan (OIA), Middle IndoAryan (MIA) and New IndoAryan (NIA). The period of OIA is accepted to be from 1500 BC to 500 BC. The earliest form of OIA is called `Vedic`, that is, the language in which the Vedas were composed. Its next phase is Sanskrit, which ceased to be the spoken language of the masses by the sixth century BC, but extensive literature was produced in Sanskrit up to eleventh and twelfth centuries. The MIA has three phases of development. Pali is the representative of the first phase. It is believed that it was the spoken language in the northwestern parts of India from about 500 BC to the beginning of the Christian era. The various languages which were current in the second phase of the MIA are given a common label Prakrit; their period extends from the beginning of the Christian era to around AD 500. In the third phase again all languages have a common label Apabhransha. It is from these Apabhrarishas that Punjabi and New IndoAryan languages developed around the eleventh century AD. Before analysing the linguistic characteristics of Punjabi it would be desirable to discuss the process of development through which Punjabi has attained its present form. The earliest form of the IndoAryan language, the OIA, was structurally much different from NIA or Punjabi. Vedic had 52 phonemes,13 vowels and 39 consonants. In Sanskrit some of these phonemes disappeared and some others were articulated in a changed form. On grammatical side OIA was a highly synthetic language. It employed suffixes and prefixes to perform the function for which independent words are used in NIA. Suffixes, called vibhaktis, were employed where Punjabi, Hindi, etc., are using postpositions. Again, the verbal forms of the OIA were also of synthetic nature. The auxiliary verb did not exist, its function was performed by affixes. There were three gendersmasculine, feminine and neuter; three numbers singular, dual and plural; and eight cases. The nouns and adjectives in OIA changed their form according to number, gender and case, and as such the grammatical forms of a noun or adjective could run into hundreds. In addition to these devices, OIA made extensive use of sandht and samds (compounding). The result of all these processes was that morphological forms were much complicated, but syntactic structure was simpler than it is in the NIA. Since the grammatical status of a noun (whether it was subject, object, etc.) was determined from its form; its position in a sentence did not have much significance. Pali is considerably different from OIA on phonological level. Against 52 phonemes ofVedic, Pali had only 4610 vowels and 36 consonants. Out of the 13 vowels ofVedic 4 were diphthongs in Pali. All vowels are simple, none has a diphthongal character. Of the three fricatives /S/, /S/ and /S/ of OIA, Pali retains only /S/. The grammatical structure of Pali is not much different from OIA. The language is still synthetic. Three genders are present, there are only two numbersthe dual number has disappeared. There are only six vibhaktts (caseendings) in place of eight that existed in OIA. Next, in the sequence of development, come the Prakrits. Scholars have varied opinions about the number of Prakrits. The specimens available to the modern scholars prove that there were at least four major Prakrits Shaurseni, Maharashtri, Maghdhi and Ardhamaghdhi. Paishachi is sometimes counted as a Fifth Prakrit. On the phonological side, Prakrits are not much different from Pali. The fricatives /S/ and /S/ do not exist in Prakrits. The semivowel /y/ has changed to /j/ in some Prakrits, particuarly in Shaurseni, which was spoken in the northwestern India, and is, like Pali, the ancestor of Punjabi. Consonant clusters, which abound in OIA, go on progressively decreasing in MIA. Prakrits are less synthetic than Vedic, Sanskrit and even Pali. Words, which have functions akin to those of postpositions, are used in certain constructions. Now there are only four caseendings mostly in use. Most of the nouns and adjectives, in masculine, singlular form, end ino, and therefore Prakrits are called `oending languages`. The number of Apabhranshas remains undecided. Different sources count from three to about thirty Apabhranshas. There is no clue available to ascertain as to which of the Apabhranshas is the source of Punjabi. None of the Apabhranshas which have extant specimens, can be associated with Punjabi. The Apabhranshas are more analytical than even the Prakrits. Some postpositions are in use now. The auxiliary verb has also appeared in a few verbal forms. Only three caseendings are in common use. The compounded form of verbs is quite common. Still the language is much more synthetic than the NIA. In Apabhranshas most nouns end inu, in masculine, singular form; on the basis of this characteristic the Apabhranshas are sometimes called `uending languages.` There are some variations in phonological pattern as well. The phoneme /n/ has a very high frequency. The number of voiced, aspirated consonants has considerably increased and aspirated forms of /n, n, m, 1, r/ are found in most Apabhranshas. This is the brief survey of the history of the development of IndoAryan languages from its earlist form to the New IndoAryan. Punjabi is one of the NIA languages, the others being Sindhi, Western Hindi, Eastern Hindi, Rajasthani, Gujarati, Marathi, Oriya, Bihari, Bengali, Assamese and Pahari. Punjabi, along with other NIA languages, is believed to have originated in the eleventh century. It is not logically or linguistically correct to accept that all NIA languages originated at the same time, or they developed at the same pace. Languages do not change their form in a few years, or in a few decades; it takes centuries for a language to adopt a recognizably different structure. When we say that Punjabi originated in the eleventh cen
tury, it simply means that by this time the language had acquired most characteristics of modern Punjabi but it certainly was not exactly akin to the presentday language. Punjabi has passed through different stages or phases of development during these nine centuries. For the sake of convenience we can divide the course of development into the following four phases: First phase up to AD 1400 Second phase 1400 to 1700 Third phase 1700 to 1850 Fourth phase 1850 onwards The only specimens of the first phase that have reached our hands are in the form of the poetic compositions of Sufi saint Shaikh Farid (11751265), which are preserved in Sikh Scripture, the Guru Granth Sahib. The linguistic structure of the verses of Shaikh Farid is not different from the language of Guru Nanak and his successors contained in the same holy book. The language of Farid linguistically belongs to the second phase, and true specimens of the first phase are not available. The poetry of Guru Nanak (14691539), Guru Arigad (15041552), Guru Amar Das (14791574), Guru Ram Das (15341581), Guru Arjan (15631606), and some other saint poets found in the Guru Granth Sahib belongs to the second phase. The poetry of Sikh scholar and poet Bhai Gurdas, Sufi saint Shah Husain and Damodarwho versified the love story ofHir and Ranjha, also belongs to the same period. Some prose was also written in this period. But these compositions have not reached us in true, original form. Therefore, we shall consider the Punjabi poetry of the first five Sikh Gurus only for the purpose of a linguistic analysis of this phase. This period is rightly called `Guruperiod`. Punjabi of this period is much more analytical as compared to Sanskrit, Pali, etc. Still it retains some synthetic features. Some of the caseendings are quite common, particularly the suffixes of instrumental, locative and ablative cases. The auxiliary verb is almost nonexistent, and the verbal forms are of synthetic nature. All the postpositions of modern Punjabi, with the lone exception of ne, are in use, though some of these are slightly different from their modern form. Thus synthetic and analytic devices (suffixes and postpositions) are used side by side. On the phonological level too the Punjabi of this period has some variation from the modern Punjabi. Fricatives /s/ (/sh/) and / z/ do not exist in the Punjabi of this period. Vowel (/au/) has a very low frequency; on the contrary (/ai/) has much higher frequency. Again, nasalization was not so frequent as it is today. The plural forms of masculine and feminine nouns end in nasalized vowels in modern Punjabi, most of these have only oral vowel at the end in the language of the Guruperiod. Most masculine nouns have the ending`a` in singular form, and most feminine, singular nouns end in `I`. But the Apabhrarisha uending nouns are also very common. All masculine nouns which end in a consonant in singular form in modern Punjabi retained the Apabhransha `u` at the end in old Punjabi of first and second phases. Short vowels do not occur in wordfinal position now, but in the Punjabi of Guruperiod final short vowel was a common feature. The Punjabi of the third phase is almost as analytical as the modern language. Some^ of the case`suffixes do exist, as they exist today, but in most cases the postposition of modern Punjabi, including nai (modern ne) is in use. The forms of nouns, pronouns and adjectives are almost the same as they are today. Short vowels in wordfinal position are disappearing. Nasalization is increasing and plural form of the nouns and adjectives ends in a nasalized vowel in most cases, /s/ (/sh/) and /z/ are still nonexistent. The frequency of vowel /au/ has considerably increased. The most significant aspect of the Punjabi of this period is the emergence of tone which has vastly changed the phonological structure of the language. The period of emergence of tone cannot be ascertained with any reasonable precision. Certain orthographic symbols in the Guru Granth suggest that some form of tone did exist in the Guruperiod. At the same time it seems certain that the tone had not the same frequency and the same characteristics as in modern Punjabi, otherwise the orthographic pattern of the Gurmukhi script would have been quite different. Like the two earlier phases this was also primarily a period of poetry. Very few prose works were produced. The poetic language of this phase lacks the sophistication and dignity of the language of Gurbani (poetry of the Gurus). Prose writings are wanting in controlled expression and literary discipline. However the language of prose is simple and has a poetic flow. The fourth phase, which continues till today, is different from the earlier stages in many ways. It begins with the establishment of British sovereignty in Punjab. A large number of schools were started, which enabled common people to get education. The advent of the printing press and the start of newspapers and journals made a drastic change in the language awareness of the Punjabis. As the number of readers increased, more and more books were written and printed. The teaching of English was responsible for initiating a new era of linguistic innovation. A large number of vocables of PerseArabic origin were borrowed by Punjabi during the period of Muslim domination, but phonological and grammatical structure of Punjabi remained unaffected by these borrowings. Loan words were assimilated by Punjabi, but foreign sounds were not accepted. Punjabi retained its original character in spite of heavy borrowings. During British rule, however, foreign sounds were also accepted at least by the educated people. Many words were borrowed from English. Written Punjabi underwent a complete change. The punctuation marks were introduced for the First time; the full stop was the only punctuation mark used in earlier writings. Another significant innovation was writing of separate wordunits, instead of the lineunit which was the common mode of writing in earlier works. Paragraph forming was yet another device which Punjabi acquired from English. Punjabi writers copied the English style of framing lengthy complex sentences. In addition to borrowing of vocables from other languages, new words were coined and new shades of meanings were given to the existing words. The words were selected with discretion and linguistic craftsmanship was exercized in the construction of sentences: It was for the first time in the history of Punjabi that planned development of the language was undertaken; in the earlier phases it was only natural development. Spoken Punjabi could not remain unaffected. The educated Punjabis tried to pronounce loan words in their original form, and this resulted in the borrowing of foreign sounds, /sh/ and (z) were the first to be adopted. PersoArabic /f/ and even /kh/` / gh/ were also pronounced by some Punjabis. Nasalization and tone increased considerably and are still increasing. A fairly large number of English words found place even in the language of nonliterate Punjabis. On the phonological level, tone is a significant phoneme of Punjabi, which distinguishes it from other NIA languages. No major Indian language, except Punjabi, has tone as a distinctive sound. The tone has affected the entire phonological structure of Punjabi. Tone has replaced the voiced aspirates /gh.jh, dh, dh, bh, /h/ in specific situations, and these voiced aspirates have very limited occurrence in the standard Punjabi today. Tone is still increasing and in many cases nondistinctive tone is also articulated these days. Similarly nasalization is also increasing, and vowels are nasalized, in some cases, where nasalization is not required according to grammar. For instance /dian/ (these women came) is pronounced as /anirian/ by all Punjabis although grammatically only the final /an/ should be nasalized. The fricatives /sh/ and /z/ are now pronounced almost by all speakers; the frequency of /f/ is increasing, and on the contrary Arabic /kh/ and /gh/ are disappearing from the speech of the new generation. Very few consonant clusters can be heard in the language spoken by the masses. The short vowels are n
ot articulated in wordfinal position. Grammatically Punjabi is, on the whole, an analytical language, though it still retains some of the synthetic characteristics. Suffixes of instrumental, ablative and locative cases are used with some nouns. In addidon to these, vocative forms of all human nouns can be formed with the help of suffixes, and there are separate suffixes according to number and gender. There are two numbers, singular and plural, and two genders, masculine and feminine. Every noun in Punjabi is assigned to one of the two genders. The verb agrees with the subject according to gender and number, and in a few cases according to person and number. But if the verbal form contains the past participle of a transitive verb, the verb agrees with the object. The tense is mostly decided by the auxiliary verb, which comes after the main verb. There are very few verbal forms in which the auxiliary verb does not occur. Compounding of verbal forms is a common feature. The verbal form baithd hoid si (was sitting) contain past participle of two verbs in addition to the auxiliary si (was); they are baith (sit), and ho (be). In some cases three verbs are compounded in a verbal form. Punjabi employs postpositions in place of the prepositions of English. For wordformation Punjabi mostly uses suffixes; prefixes are very few, and all have adjectival function. Again, more than one prefix does not occur in any word, whereas there can be three or even four suffixes in some words. Punjabi makes extensive use of reduplication which can be of varied forms. The same word can be repeated as in hauHhauli (slowly), two synonyms can come together as kdldsidh (jetblack), two antonyms may form a compound nikkdmotd (of ordinary nature); rhyming words may form a pairneretere (around). Punjabi has five degrees of proximity against two in English, Hindi, Urdu, etc. For English `this` Punjabi has three words expressing proximity on quite different basis. They are ah, (which is nearer to the first person and away from the second person), hah (which is closer to the second person, but away from the first person), and eh (close to both). For English `that` Punjabi has auh (away from both, but within sight) and oh farthest in time and space, not within sight. Since Punjabi is mainly an analytical language, wordorder in a sentence plays a significant role. The general order of a Punjabi sentence is subjectobjectverb, when the sentence has transitive verb, but the other words occur in the same order. The adjective precedes the noun it qualifies; with a pronoun the adjective is used normally in a predicative form only. In rare cases when an adjective qualifies a pronoun in an attributive form, it comes after the pronoun, as in he oh vichdrd (poor thing). The adverb also occurs before the verb it qualifies. The interrogative words, in normal construction, come immediately after the subject of the sentenceoh kadon did si (when did he come?) The shifting of the position of the interrogative element results in change in the sense of the sentence kadon did si oh, oh did kadon si have a connotation different from the earlier sentence. The auxiliarly verb comes after the main verb. If the verbal form is compound of two or more verbs, the auxiliary will occur after all components of the compound. Interrogative sentences are formed with the help of interrogative words, and there is no other change in the order of the sentence as in: mundd did si (the boy had come), mundd kion aia si (why did the boy come?), mundd kadon aid si (when did the boy come?) A change in the general order of the sentences changes the connotation kartdr kitdb parh rihd hai (Kartar is reading a book) is a general statement. If the question is who is reading the book?, the answer will be kartdr parh rihd hai kitdb; and if the question is what is Kartar doing?, the answer would be kitdb parh rihd hai kartdr. Punjabi is very rich in the vocabulary concerning the culture of ancient and medieval ages. It has most extensive kinship vocabulary. Most IndoAryan languages have separate words for uncle and aunt relations of different levels; for instance there are separate words for father`s brother, mother`s brother, husband of father`s sister, husband of mother`s sister, etc. Punjabi has the widest range in kinship vocabulary. In addition to separate names for relations like father`s sister, mother`s sister, brother`s wife, wife`s sister, etc, Punjabi has words for father of fatherinlaw, brother of fatherinlaw, father of motherinlaw, brother of motherinlaw, and also for the wives of all these male relations. The Lahndi dialect of Punjabi has separate names even for cousin category of kinship. Patreru is the son of father`s brother, and pitreri is daughter of father`s brother. Similarly there are independent names of sons and daughters of mother`s brother, mother`s sister, father`s sister. There is wide range of names of natural objects and their parts. A minute division of time is made and each division is given a name. The example of division of space has already been given while explaining the degree of proximity. There are three sparate pronouns for English `he` eh (he, who is close by), auh (he, who is bit away but is within sight), oh (he, who is far away, may not be within sight). Bui there is no distinction of gender in the pronouns in Punjabi and the same pronouns are used for `he`,`she` and `it`. There is a vast vocabulary concerning agriculturethe names of agri cultural implements and their parts, crops and their stems, leaves, fruits, and words for agricultural processes. In Lahndi, for example, there are five separate words for a drain paggun, khalsd, noli, kassi, wahd. Again, Punjabi has. a rich treasure of vocabulary pertaining to theology, mysticism and ethics. Because of political reasons, Punjabi could not develop, through natural process, the vocabulary concerning the scientific and technological subjects of modern civilization. The result was that when it was called upon to perform the duties of medium of instruction up to university level, and to act as the language of administration and polity, it found itself inadequately equipped for these responsibilities. Extensive borrowings were made to make up the deficiency. But that could not be enough, hence new terms were coined, existing words were given new connotation; new forms of old words were acquired through acceptable, and quite often, unacceptable grammatical process. The result of all these efforts was that Punjabi was forced to own many words, grammatical forms, idioms, and even phonemes which could not fit into the linguistic structure of this language. This situation still exists and the process of making old experiments still continues. The oldest specimens of Punjabi literature are preserved in the Guru Granth Sahib. In addition to these are poetic compositions of some saints, some vdrs (war ballads) and some qissds (narrative poetry). The same genres continued to be the main vehicles of literary expression during the seventeenth century. But, after the compilation of the Sikh scripture there is very little Punjabi poetry composed by the Sikhs, There are some poetical works, mostly dealing with Sikh history written by Sikh scholars, but Punjabi poetry of that century mainly came from the pens of Muslim poets. After the death of Guru Gobind Singh the Sikhs had to pass through a period of persecution and oppression for about seven decades; and later when they established their empire, they were throughout engaged in warfare. They had. as such, no time to devote to literary pursuits. This situation continued till the end of the Sikh rule in AD 1849. The Sikh literature produced during this period is mostly by the Nirmalas or the Udasis. These two sects had close links with the Hindu tradition, and were itinerant recluses who roamed through whole of northern India, preaching the message of the Sikh Gurus. They had, as such, to use a language which could be understood in any part of northern India. This language which is now labelled Sadhu Bhasha, was adopted by these Sikh writers. They used Sadhu Bhasha but wrote always in Gurmukhi scri
pt, which was originated by the Second Guru, Guru Angad, and had throughout remained specially associated with Sikhs and Sikhism. The Muslim Punjabi poets wrote their poetry in Persian script. Thus, Punjab, which was enriched by the sublime poetry of the Sikh Gurus, remained neglected by Sikh scholars almost till the last quarter of the nineteenth century. It was under the influence and guidance of the Singh Sabha (founded in 1873) that the Sikhs declared Punjabi as their language and Gurmukhi its script. The Punjab was divided into two parts, the eastern part, remaining in India and the western going to Pakistan in 1947. The Sikhs who had en masse migrated to the Indian Punjab, wanted that Punjabi should be declared the official language of Punjab which demand was not accepted by government. The whole of India was divided into unilingual states, but not the Punjab. The Sikhs had to resort to a longdrawn struggle to have their claim accepted. Punjabi is now prospering, and nonSikhs including a fairly large number of Hindus are amongst the leading scholars and writers of Punjabi. After Independence Urdu was declared the official language of Pakistan. The Punjabis of Pakistan after some time realized that they had made an error in discarding their mother tongue, Punjabi. They made concentrated efforts to get recognition for Punjabi at least as the State language. Some facilities for teaching in schools and colleges were granted. Punjabi is being taught up to M.A. level at the Panjab University. The Department of Punjabi at Panjab University, Lahore, is the publisher of a literary magazine. Magazines have also come up through private enterprise. Poetry and prose have splurged. But government support for Punjabi is meagre. Punjabi, in Pakistan, has not acquired the prestige and influence which belongs to it as a major language in the country.

MEHRAJ, also spoken as Mahiraj or Marhaj, is a village 6 km northwest of Rampura Phul (30°16`N, 75°14`E) in Bathinda district founded in 1627 by Bhai Mohan (d. 1630), aJatt of the Siddhu clan, with the blessings and help of Guru Hargobind. According to Sikh tradition, Mohan with his tribe wanted to settle down in this area but the Bhullars, the local dominating tribe, resisted. Mohan sought Guru Hargobind`s blessing and succeeded in founding a village which he called Mehraj after the name of his greatgrandfather. The Bhullars tried to dislodge him, but were driven away with Guru Hargobind`s help. In the battle Guru Hargobind had to fight here against an imperial force led by Lalla Beg on 16 December 1634, he took up position around a pool of water about 3 km south of Mehraj. Sikhs, though vastly outnumbered, defeated the attacking force. Lalla Beg and several of his officers and men were killed. Guru Hargobind had them buried according to Muslim rites while he had the Sikhs fallen in action cremated. A tower subsequently raised indicates the sites where cremation and burial took place. GURDWARA CHHOTA GURUSAR TAMBU SAHIB, one kilometre southwest of the village, marks the site where Guru Hargobind had his tent (tambu, in Punjabi) set up at the time of his first visit to this place. It is a modestlooking shrine built on a low mound and managed by the village sangat. GURDWARA GURUSAR MEHRAJ marks the site Of Guru Hargobind`s camp during the battle of Mehraj. According to Cur Bilds Chhevm Pdtshdhi, Guru Hargobind had himself named this place Gurusar and declared it a place of pilgrimage, appointing a Ravidasi Sikh to look after it. The old building constructed by Maharaja Hira Singh of Nabha (18431911) was replaced during the 1980`s by the successors of Sam Gurmukh Singh Scvavale. Tlie new building, inside a walled compound, comprises a highccilingcd assembly hall, with the sanctum in the middle marked off by massive square columns and wide arches. Above the sanctum is a domed pavilion lined with glazed tiles and topped by a goldplated pinnacle and an umbrellashaped finial with a khandd at the apex. Domed kiosks adorn the hall corners. The Gurdwara, endowed with 250 acres of land, is affiliated to the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee. People from the surrounding villages throng for a dip in the holy sarovar on every Monday.

MALVA, not to be mixed with a tract of this name in Central India, is one of the three main divisions of the present Punjab state of India, the other two being Majha and Doaba. It is in the shape of a rough parallelogram lying between 29°-30 and 31°-10 North latitudes and 73°-50 and 76°-50\' East longitudes, bounded by the River Sutlej in the north, Haryana in the east and the south, Rajasthan in the southwest corner, and by Bahawalpur state of Pakistan in the west. Malva comprises eleven of the seventeen administrative districts of the Punjab, viz., Firozpur, Faridkot, Moga, Muktsar, Bathinda, Sangrur, Mansa, Ludhiana, Patiala, Fatehgarh Sahib and Ropar excluding its Nurpur Bedi tahsil or sub-division which falls across the Sutlej and geographically lies in the Doaba region. G.A. Grierson, Linguistic Survey of India, Vol. IX, Part I, who based his demarcation on the spoken dialect Malvai, would exclude the present Patiala, Fatehgarh Sahib and Ropar districts and part of Ludhiana district from Malva because of a different dialect, Povadhi, spoken there. But because of demographical changes consequent upon partition of the country (1947) and subsequent allocation of a major part of Povadhi-speaking area to the newly created state of Haryana (1966), it is not inappropriate to call the entire cis Sutlej tract of the present Punjab as Malva. Malva is a dialectical variation of the Sanskrit word Mallava which was the name of an ancient tribe (Malloi of the Greek accounts) who challenged, though unsuccessfully, the might of Alexander the Great in the 4th century BC and might have later migrated to the south of the Sutlej, giving the name Malva, the land of the Mallavas, to their new homeland. With an area of 32,808 square km and a population of 11,817,142 (1991 census), Malva is the largest region of the present Punjab. It has 65.1 per cent of the total area and 58.5 per cent of the total population 360.1 per square km against 401 per square km for the entire state. The density of population district-wise varies vastly between Ludhiana (629) and Firozpur (272). Till the latter part of the nineteenth century, Malva, leaving aside a narrow strip along the Sutlej, was an arid semi-desert covered with slow-growing trees such as van (Quercus incana) and jand (Prosopis spicigera) and thorny bushes like karir (Capparis aphylla) and malha beri, a kind of jujube. Although by and large a plain country, the region, especially its southern and southwestern parts, had become undulated with mounds of sand blown in from Rajasthan by southwesterly winds. Cultivation was almost entirely dependent upon rain which was erratic and usually scanty. Introduction of canal irrigation with the renovation of Sirhind canal initiated a change which, strengthened by later developments, especially the harnessing of water resources and the availablity of cheap hydro-electricity, culminated in intensive agriculture of the 1960\'s and the following decades, and transformed the face of Malva and helped make Punjab the granary of India. The hardy farmers of the region including those brought here in the aftermath of the partition of the country in 1947 have converted the former forest and sandy mounds into neatly marked lush green farmlands. Major crops grown are wheat, paddy, cotton and oil seeds, sugarcane, cultivation picking up rapidly since the beginning of the 1980\'s. This coupled with the growth of small and medium-scale industry, though at a slower pace, has brought in prosperity which in turn is resulting in a perceptible change for the better in education and cultural fields, although literacy rate (45.6 per cent) still lags behind the state average (49.2 per cent). As in the case of density of population, there is vast variation also in district-wise literacy rate which ranges between 57.2 per cent for Ludhiana (highest in the state) and 32.8 per cent for Sangrur. Yet, of the three universities in the state, two are located in Malva-Punjab Agricultureal University at Ludhiana and Punjabi University at Patiala, besides an autonomous college of engineering and technology at Patiala. Similarly, of the four medical colleges in the whole of Punjab three are located in the Malva region. In the industrial field, Malva, with its two huge thermal plants, one each at Bathinda and Ropar, and industrial complexes at Ludhiana, Rajpura, Sahibzada Ajit Singh Nagar (Mohali) and Mandi Gobindgarh, is far ahead of the other two regions. According to 1991 census figures, of the ten Punjab towns having a population of over 100,000 each, five lie in Malva. Ludhiana (1, 012, 062, persons) is the most populous city in the state. Malva\'s part in the history of the Sikhs dates back to the time of Guru Nanak, whose peregrinations also covered this ancient land. Guru Angad\'s birthplace, Sarai Nanga, lies in the Malva. Guru Hargobind, Guru Har Rai, Guru Tegh Bahadur and Guru Gobind Singh travelled extensively through this area. Many eminent Sikhs such as Bhai Bhagatu, Bhai Bahilo and Bhai Mani Sihgh came from Malva. The years following the death in 1708 of Guru Gobind Sihgh were the most turbulent period of the history of the Sikhs when the Mughal governors of the Punjab and later the Afghan invaders had let loose a reign of terror and religious persecution against the Sikhs. The jungles of Malva, with their comparative inaccessibility on account of shortage of water and other scarcities impeding large-scale operations, provided the warring Sikh bands from across the Sutlej with a natural sanctuary. Some local Sikh sardars, descendants of Bhai Phul blessed by Guru Hargobind and Guru Har Rai and collectively known as Phulkiari misl, carved out territories over which they ruled as independent or semi-independent chiefs. This is how the former Sikh states of Patiala, Nabha, Jind, Faridkot, Kalsia, Kaithal and Ladva came into existence. When Maharaja Ranjit Singh rose to power north of the Sutlej and started amalgamating other misi territories to his own dominions, the states south of the Sutlej known as cis Sutlej states, sought protection under the British, whose suzerainty they accepted. They became tributaries of the British empire while the districts of Ludhiana and Firozpur came under the latter\'s direct rule. Of these Sikh states, Kaithal lapsed to the British dominions on the death, without a male heir, of its last ruler, Bhai Udai Singh, in 1845, and Ladva was annexed as a punishment to its ruler, Sardar Ajit Singh, for his open support to Sikh government of Lahore during the first Anglo-Sikh war (1845-46). The remaining five Punjab Sikh states and the Muslim state of Malerkotla continued to exist till after the independence of India, 1947. In May 1948, they in combination with Kapurthala in the Doaba region and the submountainous Hindu state of Nalagarh formed themselves into what was called the Patiala and East Punjab States Union, PEPSU for short. In 1956 PEPSU was amalgamated with the Punjab, which was further split into Haryana and the Punjabi speaking state of the Punjab on 1 November 1966.

KOLAYAT, popularly pronounced Kulait, a town 52 km southwest of Bikaner (28"04`N, 73021`E), is famous for a temple dedicated to Kapila Muni, an ancient Hindu sage to whom the Sankhya system of philosophy is attributed. According to Sikh chroniclers, Guru Nanak visited Kolayat. Guru Gobind Singh, at the time of his travels through Rajasthan, is said to have stayed here for twelve days. Here Bhai Daya Singh and Bhai Dharam Singh, who had been to Ahmadnagar to deliver to Emperor Aurahgzib the Zafamamah, the Guru`s letter in Persian verse, rejoined him. However, no Sikh shrine existed here until 1968 when some Sikh residents of the area, led by a Sikh colonizer of Kolayat, acquired a plot of land and constructed a Gurudwara. The Gurudwara is a modest oneroom building with a paved platform all around it. Sikh settlers of the surrounding area gather to celebrate Guru Nanak`s birth anniversary on the fullmoon day of Kartik (OctoberNovember) every year.